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.If adverbs adjoin to maximal projections and suddenly adjoins to VP, this raises thepossibility that transitive nominals contain a nominal counterpart of the TrP/Transitivity Phrase projectionwhich appears in transitive verb phrases, and that the head Tr constituent of TrP case-marks thecomplement of troups and attracts it to move to spec-TrP, with the noun withdrawal raising from the headV position of VP, through the head Tr position of TrP into the head v position of vP.However, we will notpursue this possibility any further here.)The account of genitive case-marking outlined above can be extended to possessive constructions suchas (127) below (intended to mean much the same as  the picture of Mary which is in your possession ):(127) your picture of MaryLet s suppose that the noun picture merges with its THEME complement of ø Mary (where Mary is a DPheaded by a null determiner) to form the NP picture of ø Mary.Let s further suppose (following Carstens2001) that the resulting NP merges with a null light-noun which has the function of marking possession,and that this light-noun projects as its external argument the pronoun YOU to which it assigns the ¸-role ofPOSSESSOR (its NP complement being in turn assigned the ¸-role of POSSESSEE).Given the assumptionthat light nouns are affixal, the noun picture will raise from N to adjoin to the light-noun, so deriving:(128) nPPRN n 'YOUn NPø+pictureN DPpicture of ø MaryThe resulting nP will then be merged with a null -complete determiner which assigns genitive case tothe pronoun YOU in accordance with (123), so that it will ultimately be spelled out as your at PF.If therelevant determiner also carries an [EPP] feature, it will trigger movement of the genitive possessor yourfrom spec-nP to spec-DP, so deriving the structure shown in simplified form below:(129) DPPRN D 'yourD nPøPRN n 'your picture of ø MaryThe idea that possessor expressions move to spec-DP is lent plausibility by the fact that they precede overtdeterminers in Chinese, giving rise to nominals like nide nage shubao  your that bag (i.e. your bag ).If adjectives occupy specifier position within a functional projection FP positioned between D and nP (asin 126 above), such an analysis will correctly predict that your precedes the adjective latest in your latestpicture of Mary.The analysis presented above follows Abney (1987) in positing that genitive nominals move tospec-DP in English.However, there is some evidence that (in some other languages, at least) the truelanding-site of preposed possessives may be a position beneath DP.In this connection, consider thefollowing possessive nominal in Italian:(130) la loro bellissima casathe their beautiful house ( their beautiful house )Here, the possessive pronoun loro  their occupies a position which is lower than that of the determiner la the but higher than that of the attributive adjective bellissima  beautiful.So where is it positioned? We 258noted in §5.9 that work on the syntax of nominals has suggested that they contain a NumP  NumberPhrase projection positioned immediately below DP.This being so, one possibility is to follow Valois(1991), Cinque (1994) and Carstens (2000, 2001) in positing that possessives in Italian (and perhapsgenitive nominals in languages like English) move to spec-NumP.If so, and if we assume (as above) thatadjectives occupy the specifier position within a functional projection FP, a nominal like your latestpicture of Mary will have the structure shown in simplified form in (131) below:(131) DPD NumPøPRN Num 'yourNum FPøA F 'latestF nPø your picture of MaryOn the revised analysis in (131), it would be the head Num constituent of NumP which agrees with andassigns genitive case to the possessor YOU and attracts it to move from the specifier position within nP tothe specifier position within NumP.If we were to follow Bernstein and Tortora (2003) in decompoisingyour into you+r and taking the final -r to be an agreement marker (marking agreement with a plural orsecond person pronominal possessor, in the same way as  re marks agreement with a plural or secondperson subject in structures like we re/youre/they re), we might suppose that the suffix  r originates in thehead Num position of NumP and is attached to the specifier you once you raises to spec-NumP [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]